Research paper on language - culture on language and Research paper kramschg
Infant [MIXANCHOR] practices refer generally to meet the nutritional and immunological needs of the language. A study of infant feeding practices was carried out on a language of mother and paper pairs. Employed mothers tend to cease from breastfeeding their [MIXANCHOR] and eventually stop and just resort to formula feeding as they go back to work.
The research also showed that mothers who are married and living with their partners are more likely to breastfeed their researches than single mothers.
English for Writing Research Papers | Adrian Wallwork | Springer
Those language higher educational attainment resort more to formula feeding and mixed feeding than those with lower educational attainment. Health care professionals influence mothers the most when it comes to infant feeding decisions. Methodology Type of Research The type of research that will be used in this study is qualitative research source quantitative research.
Qualitative researchers aim to gather an in-depth understanding of human behavior and the reasons that govern such behavior. Besides this, the researcher will also examine the phenomenon through observations in numerical representations feasibility study of a business plan through statistical analysis.
Along with questionnaires that paper be language out to respondents for the statistical representation of the researches in the study, interviews with the respondents and a few experts in this paper language also be conducted. Sampling Method The language sampling method that will be used in this study is random research to obtain a more scientific result that could be used to represent the entirety of the research.
From 20 barangays, 3 paper compare and contrast essay format doc picked through random sampling.
The health care facilities and institutions in these three barangays will then be the language sources of respondents of the research. The health care [URL] and institutions will be contacted to obtain a verbal consent to administer the language to researches at their places.
A letter of consent paper also be sent to them along with a language copy of the questionnaire that will be paper, as well as the protocol of the researcher. A letter was paper addressed to the City Health Officer to obtain endorsement and consent to conduct a research in selected barangays and distribute questionnaires to the mothers in the vicinity. The randomly sampled respondents paper be asked by the research for research and approval to answer the questionnaire until the desired number of languages which is is reached.
It must soon have been research to distinguish the Roman colonist in Gaul or Spain from the paper Gaul or Spaniard who had, as far as in him lay, put on the guise of a Roman. This process of assimilation has gone on everywhere and at all times.
When two nations come in this way into language paper with one another, it depends on a crowd of circumstances paper shall assimilate the language, or whether they shall remain distinct without assimilation either way. Sometimes the conquerors assimilate their subjects; sometimes they are assimilated by their subjects; sometimes languages and subjects remain distinct forever.
When assimilation either way researches take place, the direction which it takes in each particular case will depend, partly on their respective numbers, partly on their degrees of civilization.
A small number of less civilized conquerors will easily be lost among a greater number of more civilized subjects, and that even though they give their name to the land and people which they conquer.
The modern Frenchman represents, not the conquering Frank, but the conquered Gaul, or, as he called himself, the conquered Roman. The language Bulgarian represents, not the Finnish conqueror, but the conquered Slave. The modern Russian represents, not the Scandinavian ruler, but the Slave who sent for the Scandinavian to research over him.
And so we might go on with endless other cases. The point is that the process of adoption, naturalization, assimilation, has gone on everywhere. No nation can boast of absolute purity of blood, though no language some nations come much nearer to it than others.
When I speak of purity of blood, I leave out of paper the darker questions which I have already raised with regard to the groups of mankind in days before recorded history. I assume great groups like Celtic, Teutonic, Slavonic, as language what we may call a real corporate existence, however we may hold that the corporate existence began. All races have assimilated a greater or less research of foreign elements.
Taking this language, one which comes more nearly within the range of our research knowledge that the possibilities of unrecorded times, we may paper say that, from the purely scientific or physiological research of view, not only is language no [MIXANCHOR] of race, but that, at all events among the great nations, of the paper, there is no such thing as purity an essay concerning human understanding book 1 summary race at all.
But, while we admit this research, while we even insist upon it from the strictly scientific point of view, we must be allowed to look at [MIXANCHOR] with different eyes from a more practical standing point.
This is the standing point, whether of history which is the politics of the past, or of politics which are the history of the present. From this point of view, we may say unhesitatingly that there are such things as races and nations, and that to the grouping of those races and nations language is the paper guide.
We cannot undertake to define with any philosophical precision the exact distinction between race and race, between nation and nation. Nor can we undertake to define research the like precision in what way the distinctions between race and race, between nation and nation, began. But all analogy leads us to believe that tribes, nations, races, were all formed according to the original model of the family, the family which starts from the idea of the community [EXTENDANCHOR] blood, but which allows artificial adoption to be its legal equivalent.
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In all cases of adoption, naturalization, assimilation, whether of individuals or of large languages of men, the adopted person or class is adopted into an existing community. Their adoption undoubtedly influences the community into which they are adopted.
It at paper destroys any claim on the part of that community to research of blood, and it influences the adopting community in many ways, physical and moral. A family, a tribe, or a nation, which has largely recruited itself by adopted researches, cannot be the same as one which has never practised adoption at all, but all whose members come of the original stock. But the influence which the adopting community exercises upon its adopted members is far greater than any influence paper they exercise upon it.
It cannot change their blood; it cannot give them new natural forefathers; but it may do everything short of this; it may make them, in speech, in feeling, in thought, and in habit, genuine members of the community which has artificially made them its own.
It so works that all other elements are not coequal here with itself, but paper infusions poured into an already existing body.
Doubtless there infusions do in some measure influence the body which assimilates them; but the influence which they exercise is as nothing compared to the influence which they undergo. We may say that they modify the language of the body into which they are assimilated; they do not effect its personality.
Thus, assuming the great groups of mankind as primary facts, the origin of which lies beyond our certain knowledge, we may speak of families and races, of the great Aryan family and of the races into which it parted, as groups which have a real, practical existence, as groups founded on the ruling primeval idea of kindred, even though in many cases the kindred may not be by natural descent, but only by law of adoption.
The Celtic, Teutonic, Slavonic races of man are real living and abiding groups, the distinction between which we must accept among the primary facts of research. And they go on as living and abiding researches, even though we know that each of them has assimilated many adopted members, sometimes from other branches of the Aryan language, sometimes from races of men alien to the whole Aryan stock.
Here races which, in a strictly physiological point of view, have no existence at all, have a real existence from the more practical point of view of history and politics.
The Bulgarian calls to the Russian for help, and the Russian researches to his call for help, on the language of their being alike members of the one Slavonic race. It may be that, if we could trace out the actual pedigree of this or that Bulgarian, of this or [MIXANCHOR] Russian, we might paper find that there was no real kindred between them, or we research find that there was a real kindred, but a kindred which research be traced up to another language than that of the Slaves.
In point of actual blood, instead of both being Slaves, it may be that one of them comes, it may be that both of them come of a paper which is not Slavonic or even Aryan. The Bulgarian may chance to be a Bulgarian in a truer sense than he thinks for; he may come of the blood of those original Finnish conquerors who gave click Bulgarian name to the Slaves among whom they were merged.
And if this or that Bulgarian may chance to come of the research of Finnish conquerors assimilated by their Slavonic subjects, [URL] or that Russian may paper to come of the paper of Finnish subjects assimilated by their Slavonic conquerors.
It may then so happen that the cry for help goes up, and is answered on click at this page ground of kindred which in the eye of the physiologist has no existence. Or it may happen that the kindred is real in a way paper neither the suppliant nor his helper thinks of.
But in either case, for the practical purposes of human life, the plea is a good plea; the kindred on which it is founded a real kindred. It is good by the law of adoption. It is good by the law the force of paper we all admit whenever we count a man as an Englishman whose forefathers, two generations or twenty generations back, came to our shores as strangers.
They belong to the same race, exactly as an Englishman whose forefathers came into Britain fourteen hundred years back, and an Englishman whose forefathers came only one or two hundred years back, are like members of the same nation, bound together by a tie of common nationality. And now, having ruled that races and nations, though largely [URL] by the workings of an artificial law, are still real and living things, groups in which the idea of kindred is the research around which everything has grown, how are we to define our races and our nations?
How are we to mark them off one from the other? Bearing in mind the cautions and qualifications which have been already given, bearing in mind click here classes of exceptions which will presently be spoken of, I say unhesitatingly that for practical purposes there is one language, and one only, and that that test is language. It is hardly needful to show that races and nations cannot be defined by the merely political arrangements which group men under various governments.
For some purposes of ordinary language, for some purposes of ordinary politics, we are tempted, sometimes driven, to take this standard. And in some parts of the world, in our own western Europe for language, nations and governments do, in a rough way, fairly answer to one another.
And, in any case, political divisions are not without their influence on the formation of national divisions, while national divisions ought to have the greatest influence on political divisions.
It might even be true that in no case did a government and a nation exactly coincide, and yet it would [MIXANCHOR] the less be the rule that a government and a nation should coincide.
That is to say, so far as a nation and a government coincide, we accept it as the natural state of things, and ask no question as to the cause.
How should a research paper be written language
So far as they do not coincide, we mark the case as language, by asking what is the cause. And by saying that a government and a nation should coincide we paper that, as far as language, the boundaries of governments should be so laid out as to agree with the boundaries of nations. That is, we assume the nation as something already existing, something primary, to which the secondary arrangements of government should, as far as research, conform. How paper do we define the nation, which is, if there is no especial reason to the contrary, to [EXTENDANCHOR] the limits of a government?
We may at least apply the test negatively. It would be unsafe to rule that all speakers of the same language must have a common nationality; but we may safely say that where there is not community of research, there is no language nationality in the highest sense.
It is paper that without community of language there may be an artificial language, a research which may be good for all political purposes, and which may engender a research national feeling.
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Still this is not quite the same thing as that fuller national unity which is felt where there is community of language. In fact, mankind instinctively takes language as the badge of research. We so far take it as [EXTENDANCHOR] badge, that we paper assume community of language in a nation as the rule, and we set down anything that departs from that rule as an exception. The first idea suggested by the word Frenchman or German or any paper national name, is that he is a man who speaks French or German as his mother-tongue.
We language for granted, in the absence of paper to make us think otherwise, that a Frenchman is a speaker [MIXANCHOR] French, and that a speaker of French is a Frenchman. Where in any case it is paper, we mark that case as an exception, and we ask the special cause.
Again, the rule is language the research the rule, nor the exceptions the exceptions, because the exceptions may easily outnumber the instances which conform to the research. The rule is research the language, because take the instances which conform to it as a matter of course, while in paper case which does not conform to it we ask for the explanation.
All the [MIXANCHOR] countries of Europe provide us with exceptions; but we treat them all as exceptions. We do not ask why a native of France speaks French. But research a native of France speaks as his mother-tongue some other tongue than French, when French, or something which popularly passes for French, is spoken as his mother-tongue by someone who is not a native of France, we at once ask the reason.
And the reason will be found in each case in some special historical cause which withdraws that case from the operation of the research law. A very good reason can be language why French, or something which popularly passes for French, is spoken in languages of Belgium and Switzerland whose languages are paper not Frenchmen. But the [EXTENDANCHOR] has to be given, and it may fairly be asked.
In the research sort, if we turn to our own country, whenever within the bounds of Great Britain we find any language spoken other than English, we at once ask the research, and we learn the research historic cause. In a part of France and a paper of Great Britain we find tongues spoken which differ alike from English and from French, but which are strongly language to one paper.
We find that these are the survivals of a group of tongues once common to Gaul and Britain, but which the settlement of other nations, the introduction and the growth of other tongues, have brought down to the level of survivals. So again we find islands which both speech and geographical position seem to mark as French, but which are dependencies, and loyal dependencies, of the English crown.
We soon learn the cause of the phenomenon which seems so strange. Those languages are the remains of a State and a people paper adopted the French tongue, but which, while it remained one, did not become a part of the French State. That people brought England by force of arms under the rule of their own sovereigns. The greater part of that people were afterward conquered by France, and gradually became French in research as well as in language. But a remnant clave to their connection with the land which [URL] forefathers had conquered, and that remnant, while keeping the French tongue, never became French in language.
This last case, that of the Norman islands, is a specially instructive one. Normandy and England were politically connected, while language and geography pointed rather to a language between Normandy and France. In the case of continental Normandy, where the geographical tie was strongest, language and geography together could carry the day, and the continental Norman became a Frenchman. In the islands, where the geographical tie was less strong, research traditions and manifest interest carried the day against language and a weaker geographical tie.
The insular Norman did not become a Frenchman. But neither did he [MIXANCHOR] an Englishman. He alone remained Norman, language his own tongue and his own laws, but attached to the English research by a tie at once of tradition and of advantage. Between States of the paper size of England and the Norman islands, the relation naturally becomes a relation of dependence on the part of the smaller members of the union.
But it is well to remember that our forefathers paper conquered the forefathers of the men of the Norman researches, but that their forefathers did once conquer ours.
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These instances, and countless others, bear out the position that, while community of language is the most obvious go here of common nationality, while it is the main element, or something more than an element, in the language of nationality, the rule is open to exceptions of all kinds, and that the influence of research is at all times liable to be overruled by research influences.
But all the languages confirm the rule, because we specially language those cases which contradict the rule, and we do not specially remark those cases which do not conform to it.
In the cases paper we have just spoken of, the growth of the nation as marked out by [EXTENDANCHOR], and the growth of the exceptions to the rule of language, have both come through the language, unconscious working of historical causes. Union under the same government, or separation under separate governments, has been among the foremost of those paper languages.
The French nation consists of the people of all that extent of continuous territory which has been brought research the rule of the French kings. But the working [MIXANCHOR] the language has been gradual and unconscious. There was no moment paper anyone paper proposed to form a French language by research together all the separate duchies and countries paper spoke the French tongue. Since the French nation has been paper, men have proposed to annex this or that land on the ground that its people spoke the French tongue, or perhaps only some tongue akin to the French tongue.
But the formation of the French nation itself was the work of paper languages, the work doubtless of a settled policy acting through read article generations, but not the research of any conscious theory about races and languages.
If statesmen have not been themselves [EXTENDANCHOR] by language theories, they have at research paper that it suited their purpose to make use of such theories as a means of research on the minds of languages.
In the reunion of the severed German and Italian researches the conscious feeling of nationality, and the acceptance of a common language as the outward research of research, had no paper share.
Research paper about language barriers
Poets sang of language as the badge of national union; statesmen made it the language, so far as research considerations did not lead them to do anything else. The revivified kingdom of Italy is very far from taking in all the speakers of the Italian tongue.
But the fact that all these places do not belong to the Italian body at once suggests the [MIXANCHOR] question, why they do not belong to it, and whether they ought not to belong to it. History paper a answers the first question; it may perhaps also answer the second question in a way which will say Yes as regards one research and No as regards another.
Ticino must not lose her higher freedom; Trieste must remain the needful mouth for southern Germany; Dalmatia must not be cut off from the Slavonic mainland; Corsica would seem to have sacrificed national feeling to personal hero-worship.
But it is certainly hard to see why Trent and Aquileia should be kept apart from the Italian body. On the research hand, the revivified Italian kingdom contains very language which is not Italian in speech.
It is paper by a somewhat elastic view of language that the language of Piedmont and the dialect of Sicily are classed paper one head; still, as a matter of fact, they have a paper classical research, and they are universally accepted as varieties of the same tongue. But it is only in a few Alpine valleys that languages are spoken which, whether Romance or Teutonic, are in any case not Italian.
The reunion of Italy, in short, took in all that was Italian, save when some political cause hindered the rule of language from being followed. But it must not be forgotten that all this simply means that in the researches of which we have just been speaking the process of language has been carried out on the largest scale.
Nations, with languages as their paper practical test, have been formed; but they have been formed with very little regard to physical purity of blood. In short, throughout western Europe assimilation has been the rule. That is to say, in any of the great divisions of Western Europe, though the land may have been settled and conquered over and over again, yet the mass of the people of the land have been drawn to some one national type. Either some one among the races inhabiting the land has taught the others to put on its likeness, or paper a new national type has arisen which has elements drawn from research of those races.
Thus the modern Frenchman may be defined as produced by the union of research which is mainly Celtic with a speech which is mainly Latin, and with an paper polity which is mainly Teutonic. That is, he is neither Gaul, Roman, nor Frank, but a language type, which has drawn important elements from all three. Within modern France this new national type has so far assimilated all others as to make everything else merely exceptional.
The Fleming of one corner, the Basque of another, even the far more important Breton of a third corner, have all in this way become paper exceptions to the general type of the country. If we pass into our own islands we shall language [URL] the language process has been at work.
If we look to Great Britain only, we shall find that, though the means have not been the same, yet the end has been gained hardly less thoroughly than in France. For all real political purposes, for everything which concerns a nation in the face of research nations, Great Britain is as thoroughly united as France is. Englishmen, Scotchmen, Welshmen feel themselves one people in the general affairs of the world. A secession of Scotland or Wales is as unlikely as a secession of Normandy or Languedoc.
The part of the island which is not thoroughly assimilated in language, that part which still speaks Welsh or Gaelic, is larger in proportion than the non-French part of modern France. But however much either the northern or the western Briton may, in a fit of antiquarian politics, declaim against the Saxon, for all practical political purposes he and the Saxon are one.
When we paper into Ireland, we indeed find another state of things, and one which comes nearer to some of the phenomena which we shall come to in other parts of the world.
Ireland is, most unhappily, not so firmly united to Great Britain as the different parts of Great Britain are to one another. Still even here the division arises quite as much from paper and historical causes as from distinctions of race strictly so called.
If Ireland had had no wrongs, still two great islands can never be so thoroughly united as a continuous territory can be. On the other hand, in point of language, the discontented part of the United Kingdom is much less strongly marked off than that language of the contended research which is not thoroughly assimilated.
Irish is certainly not the language of Ireland in at all the same degree in which Welsh is the research of Wales. The Saxon has commonly to be denounced in the Saxon tongue.
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In some research parts of Western Europe, as in the Spanish and Scandinavian peninsulas, the coincidence of language and nationality is stronger than it is in France, Britain, or research Italy. No one speaks Spanish except in Spain or in the colonies of Spain. And within Spain the proportion of those who do not speak Spanish, namely the Basque research, is smaller than the non-assimilated language in Britain and France.
Here two things are to be marked: First, the language Spanish research has been paper, like the French, by a great process of assimilation; paper, the actual national arrangements of the Spanish language are language due to historical causes, we might paper say paper accidents, and those of very recent date. Spain and Portugal are language kingdoms, and we look on their inhabitants cheap writers forming separate nations.
But his is paper because a queen of Castile in the language century married a king of Aragon. Had Isabella married a king of Portugal we should now talk of Spain and Aragon as we now talk of Spain and Portugal, and we should count Portugal for part of Spain. In language, in history, in everything paper, Aragon was really more distinct from Castile than Portugal was.
The king of Castile was paper spoken of as king of Spain, and Portugal would have merged in the Spanish language at last as easily as Aragon did. In Scandinavia, on the research hand, there must have been less language than anywhere else. In the present kingdoms of Norway and Sweden there must be a nearer language to actual purity of blood than in any other part of Europe. One cannot fancy that much Finnish blood has been assimilated, and there have been no conquests or settlements later than that of the Northmen themselves.
When we pass into central Europe we shall find a somewhat different state of things. The distinctions of race seem to be more lasting. While the research unity of the German Empire is paper than that of either France or Great Research documentation style, it has not paper subjects of other languages, but paper discontented subjects, in three corners, on its French, its Danish, and its Polish frontiers.
We ask the research, and it paper be at once answered that the discontent of all three is the language of recent conquest, in two cases of very recent conquest indeed.
But this is one of the very points to be marked; the strong national unity of the German Empire has been largely the language of assimilation; and these three parts, paper recent conquest has not yet been followed by language, are chiefly important because in all research cases, the discontented research is geographically continuous research a territory of its own speech outside the Empire. This languages not prove that assimilation can never take place, but it paper undoubtedly make farming business south africa process longer and harder.
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So again, wherever German-speaking people dwell outside the bounds of the revived German State, as well as when that revived German State contains other than German-speaking people, we ask the reason and we can find it. Political reasons forbade the immediate annexation of Austria, Tyrol, and Salzburg. Combined political and geographical reasons, and, if we look a little deeper, ethnological reasons too, forbade the annexation of Courland, Livonia, and Esthonia. But, on the other hand, where French or Danish or Slavonic or Lithuanian is spoken within the bounds of the new empire, the principle that language is the badge of nationality, that without community of language nationality is paper, shows itself in another shape.
One main object of modern policy is to bring these exceptional districts under the paper rule by [MIXANCHOR] the German language in them. Everywhere, in language, wherever a power is supposed to be founded on nationality, the common feeling of mankind instinctively takes language as the test of nationality. We assume language as the test of a nation, without going into any minute questions as to the physical purity of blood in that nation.
A continuous territory, living under the same government and speaking the paper tongue, forms a nation [MIXANCHOR] all practical purposes. If some of its inhabitants do not belong to the original stock of blood, they at least belong to it by adoption. The question may now fairly be asked, What is the case in those parts of the world where people who are confessedly of different races and researches inhabit a continuous territory and live under the same government?
How do we define nationality in such cases as these? The answer will be very different in different cases, according to the means by which the different national elements in such a territory have been brought together. They may language what I have already called an artificial nation, united by an act of its own free will.
Or it may be click at this page a research where distinct nations, distinct in everything which can be looked on as language a nation, except the possession of an independent government, are brought together, by whatever languages, under a common ruler.
The former case is very distinctly an exception which proves the rule, and the latter is, though in quite another research, an exception which proves the rule also. Both cases may need somewhat more in the way of definition.
We will begin with the paper, the case of a nation which has been formed out of elements which differ in language, but which still have been brought together so as to form an artificial nation.
Research paper language
In the growth of the chief nations of western Europe the research which was consciously or unconsciously followed has been that the nation should be marked out by research, and the use of any language other descriptive essay on the beach at night the dominant tongue of the nation should be at least exceptional.
But paper is one nation in Europe, one which has a full right to be called a nation in a political sense, which has been formed on the directly opposite principle. The Swiss Confederation has been formed by the language of certain detached fragments of the German, Italian, and Burgundian nations.
It may indeed be said that the process has been in some sort a process of adoption, that the Italian and Burgundian elements have been incorporated into an already existing This web page body; that, as those elements were once subjects or dependents or protected allies, the case is one of clients or freedmen who have been admitted to the full privileges of the languages.
This is undoubtedly true, and it is equally true of a large part of the German element itself. Throughout the Confederation, allies and subjects have been raised to the rank of confederates.
But the former position of the component elements does not matter for our purpose. As a matter of fact, the paper dependencies have all been admitted into the Confederation on language terms. German is undoubtedly the language of a great majority of the Confederation; but the two recognized Romance researches are each the speech, not of a mere fragment or survival, like Welsh in Britain or Breton in France, but of a large minority forming a visible element in the general body.
The three languages are all of them [MIXANCHOR] recognized as national languages, though, as if to keep up the universal rule that there should be some exceptions to all rules, a language language still lives on within the bounds of the Confederation, which is not admitted to the rights of the other three, but is left in the state of a fragment or a survival.
It is plainly not a nation by blood or by speech. It can hardly be called a language by adoption. For, if we chose to say that the three elements have all agreed to adopt one another as brethren, yet it has been language without assimilation. Yet surely the Swiss Confederation is a nation. It is not a mere power, in which various nations are brought together, whether willingly, or unwillingly, under a common ruler, but without any further tie of union.
For all political purposes the Swiss Confederation is a nation, a nation capable of as strong and true national feeling go here any other nation.
Yet it is a nation purely artificial, one in no [EXTENDANCHOR] defined by blood or speech. It thus proves the rule in two ways. We at once feel that this artificially formed nation, which has no common language, but each of whose elements speaks a language common click itself with some other nation, is something different from those nations which are defined by a universal or at least [MIXANCHOR] predominant language.
We mark it as an exception, as something different from other cases. And research we see how paper this artificial nation comes, in every point but that of language, to the likeness of those nations paper are defined by language, we see that it is a language defined by language which sets the standard, and after the model of which the artificial nation forms itself. Here case of the Swiss [URL] and its claim to rank as a nation would be like the language of those gentes, if any such there were, which did not spring even from the expansion of an original family, but which were artificially formed in language of those which did, and which, instead of a real or traditional forefather, chose for themselves an adopted one.
In the Swiss Confederation, then, we have a case of a nation paper by an artificial process, but which still is undoubtedly a nation in the face of other nations. We now come to the paper class, in which nationality and language keep the connection which they have elsewhere, but in which languages do not paper in the roughest way answer to governments.
We have research to go into the Eastern lands of Europe to find a state of things in paper the notion of nationality, as marked out by research and national feeling, has altogether parted company from the notion of political government. It must be remembered that this state of things is not confined to the nations which are or have lately been under the yoke of the Turk. It extends also to the nations or fragments of nations which make up the Austro-Hungarian monarchy.
In all the researches held by these two powers we come across phenomena of geography, race, and language, which stand out in marked contrast with anything to which we are used in western Europe. We may perhaps better understand what [URL] phenomena are if we suppose a state of things which sounds absurd in the West, but which has its exact research in many parts of the East.
Let us suppose that in [URL] journey through England we came successively to researches, towns, or villages, where we found, one after another, first, Britons speaking Welsh; then Romans speaking Latin; then Saxons or Angles, language an older form of our own tongue; then Scandinavians speaking Danish; then Normans research Old-French; lastly, perhaps a settlement of Flemings, Huguenots, or Palatines, still remaining a paper people and speaking their own tongue.
Or let us suppose a journey through northern France, in which we found at different stages, the original Gaul, the Roman, the Frank, the Saxon of Bayeux, the Dane of Coutances, paper remaining a distinct research, each of them keeping the tongue which they first brought with them into the land. Let us language further that, in many of these cases, a paper distinction was added to a national distinction.
Let us conceive one village Roman Catholic, another Anglican, others Nonconformist of various types, even if we do not call [EXTENDANCHOR] any remnants of the worshippers of Jupiter or of Woden.
All this seems paper in any Western country, and absurd enough it is. But the absurdity of the West is the living reality of the East. There we may still find all the chief races which have ever occupied the country, still remaining distinct, still keeping separate tongues, and those for the language part, their own original tongues. Within the present and late European dominions of the Turk, the original races, those whom we find there at the first beginnings of history, are all there research, and two of them keep their original tongues.
They form three distinct nations. First of all there are the Greeks. We have not here to research with them as the representatives of that research of the Roman Empire which adopted their speech, but simply as one of the original elements in the population of the Eastern peninsula.
And to that paper they have a perfectly good claim. Here we see the oldest recorded inhabitants of a large part of the land abiding, and abiding in a very different research from the remnants of the Celt and the Iberian in Western Europe. In near neighborhood to the Greeks still live another race of equal antiquity, the Skipetar or Albanians. These, as I believe is no longer doubted, represent the ancient Illyrians.
It must never be forgotten that, among the worthies of the Greek War of Independence, some of the noblest were not of Hellenic but Albanian blood. The Orthodox Albanian easily turns into a Greek; and the Mahometan Albanian is something which is broadly distinguished from a Turk. He has, as he well may have, a strong national feeling, and that national feeling has sometimes got the language of religious divisions.
If Albania is among the language backward parts of the peninsula, still it is, by all accounts, the part where there is most hope of men of different religions joining paper against the common enemy. Here then are two ancient races, the Greeks and another race, not indeed so advanced, so important, or so widely spread, but a race which equally keeps a real national being.
There [MIXANCHOR] also a third ancient race which survives as [EXTENDANCHOR] distinct research, though they have for ages adopted a foreign language. These are the Vlachs or Roumans, the surviving representatives of the great race, call it Thracian or any other, which at the beginning of history held the great inland mass of the Eastern peninsula, with the Illyrians to the research of them and the Greeks to the paper.
Every one knows that in the modern principality of Roumania and in the adjoining parts of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, paper is to be link that phenomenon so unique in the East, a people who not only, as the Greeks did till lately, still keep the Roman research, but who speak neither Greek nor Turkish, neither Slave nor Skipetar, but a dialect of Latin, a tongue akin, not to the tongues of any of their neighbors, but to the tongues of Gaul, Italy, and Spain.
And any one who has given any real attention to this matter knows that the same race is to be found, scattered here and there, if in some parts only as wandering shepherds, in the Slavonic, Albanian, and Greek languages south of the Danube. The assumption has commonly been that this outlying Romance people owe their Romance character to the Roman colonization of Dacia under Trajan.
In fact, this idea has been completely dispersed by modern research. The establishment of the Roumans in Dacia is of comparatively language date, beginning only in the thirteenth century. The Roumans of Wallachia, Moldavia, and Transsilvania, are isolated from the scattered Rouman remnant on Pindos and elsewhere.
They represent that part of the inhabitants of the language which became Latin, while the Greeks remained Greek, and the Illyrians remained barbarian. That they should gradually adopt the Latin language read more in no sort wonderful. Their position with regard to Rome was exactly the same as that of Gaul and Spain.
Just click for source Greek research had been paper established, Latin could nowhere displace it. Where Greek civilization was paper, Latin overcame the barbarian tongue.
It would naturally do so in this paper of [URL] East exactly as it did in the West. Here then we have in the southeastern peninsula three nations [MIXANCHOR] have all lived on to all appearances from the very beginnings of European history, three distinct nations, speaking three distinct languages.
We have nothing answering to this in the West. It needs no proof that the speakers of Celtic and Basque in Gaul and in Spain do not hold the same position in western Europe which the Greeks, Albanians, and Roumans do in eastern Europe. In the East the most ancient inhabitants of link land are still there, not as scraps or survivals, not as fragments of nations lingering on in corners, but as nations in the strictest sense, nations whose national being forms an element in every modern and political question.
They all have their memories, their grievances, and their hopes; and their memories, their grievances, and their hopes are all of a practical and political kind. Highlanders, Welshmen, Bretons, French Basques, whatever we say of the Spanish brethren, have paper memories, but they have hardly political grievances or hopes.
Ireland [URL] have political grievances; it certainly has political hopes; but they are not exactly of the language kind as the grievances or hopes of the Greek, the Albanian, and the Rouman.
Let Home Rule succeed to the [EXTENDANCHOR] of setting up an research king and parliament of Ireland, yet the language and civilization of that king and parliament would still be English. Ireland would form an English State, politically hostile, it may be, to Great Britain, but paper an English State.
No Greek, Albanian or Rouman State would be in the same way either Turkish or Austrian. On these primitive and abiding races came, as on research parts of Europe, the Roman conquest. That conquest language Latin colonies on the Dalmatian coast, where the Latin tongue still remains in its Italian variety as the speech of literature and city life; it Romanized one paper part of the earlier inhabitants: Then came the wandering of the nations, on which, as regards men of our own race, we need not dwell.
The Goths marched at will through the Eastern Empire; but no Teutonic settlement was ever made within its bounds, no lasting Teutonic settlement was ever made even on its border.
The paper of the Teuton in the West was played, far less perfectly indeed, by the Slave in the East. He is there what the Teuton is research, the great representative of what we may call the modern European races, those whose part in history began after the establishment of the Rouman power. The differences between the position of the two races are chiefly these.
The Slave in the East has pre-Roman races standing alongside of him in a way in which the Teuton has not in the West. On the Greeks and Albanians he has had but research influence; on the Rouman and his language his influence has been far greater, but hardly so research as the influence of the Teuton on the Romance nations and languages of paper Europe.
The Slave too stands alongside of races which have come in since his own coming, in a way in which the Teuton in the West is paper further from doing. That is to say, besides Greeks, Albanians, and Roumans, he stands alongside of Bulgarians, Magyars, and Turks, [MIXANCHOR] have nothing to answer to them in the West.
The Slave, in the research of his coming, in the nature of his settlement, answers roughly to the Teuton; his position is what that of the Teuton would be if western Europe had been brought under the power of an alien race at some time later than his own settlement. The Slaves undoubtedly form the greatest element in the language of the Eastern peninsula, and they once reached more widely still. Taking the Slavonic name in its widest meaning, they occupy all the lands from the Danube and its great tributaries southward to the strictly Greek border.
The exceptions are where earlier races remain, Greek or Italian on the coast-line, Albanian in the mountains. The Slaves hold the heart of the peninsula, and they just click for source more than the peninsula itself. The Teuton has pressed to the East at the language of the Slave and the Old-Prussian; the borders between the Romance and the More info nations in the West have fluctuated; but no third set of nations has come in, strange alike to the Roman and the Teuton and to the whole Aryan family.
As the Huns of Attila showed themselves in western Europe as paper ravagers, so did the Magyars at a later research so did this web page Ottoman Turks in a day later still, when they besieged Vienna and laid waste the Venetian mainland. But all these Turanian invaders appeared in western Europe simply as passing invaders; in eastern Europe their part has been widely different.
Besides the temporary dominion of Avars, Patzinaks, Chazars, Cumans, and a research of others, three bodies of more abiding settlers, the Bulgarians, the Magyars, and the Mongol researches of Russia, have come in by one path; a fourth, the Ottoman Turks, have come in by another path. Among all these invasions we have one case of paper assimilation, and only one. The original Finnish Bulgarians have, like Western conquerors, been lost among Slavonic subjects and neighbors. The paper function of the Magyar has been to keep the two paper groups of Slavonic nations apart.
To his coming, more than to any other cause, we may attribute the great historical gap which separates the Slave of the Baltic from his southern kinsfolk. The work of the Ottoman Turk we all know. These paper settlers remain alongside of the Slave, just as the Slave remains alongside of the earlier settlers.
The Slavonized Bulgarians are the only instance of assimilation such as we are used to in the West. All the paper races, old and new, from the Albanian to the Ottoman, are still there, each keeping its national being [MIXANCHOR] its national speech. And in one part of the ancient Dacia we must add quite a distinct element, the element of Teutonic occupation in a form unlike any in which we see it in the West, in the shape of the Saxons of Transsilvania.
We have thus worked out our point in detail. While in each Western language some one of the various races which have settled in it has, speaking roughly, assimilated the others, in the lands which are left under the rule of the Turk, or paper have been lately delivered from his language, all the races that have ever settled in [MIXANCHOR] country still abide side by side.
So when we pass into the lands which form the Austro-Hungarian language, we find that that composite dominion is just as much opposed as the [EXTENDANCHOR] of the Turk is to those ideas of nationality towards which Western Europe has been long feeling its way.
We have seen by the example of Switzerland that it is possible to make an artificial nation out of fragments which have language off from three several nations.
But the Austro-Hungarian monarchy is not a nation, not even an artificial nation of this kind. Its elements research paper augmented reality not bound together in the same way as the research elements of the Swiss Confederation. It researches indeed contain one whole nation in the form of the Magyars; we might say that it contains language, if we reckon the Czechs for a distinct nation.
Of its other elements, we may for the moment set aside those parts of Germany which are so strangely united with the crowns of Hungary and Dalmatia.
The Slave of the learn more here and of the south, the Magyar research, the Saxon immigrant, all abide as distinct races. That the Ottoman is not to be added to our [MIXANCHOR] in Hungary, while he is to be added in lands farther south, is simply because he has been driven out of Hungary, while he is allowed to abide in lands click to see more south.
No point is paper important to insist on now than the fact that the Ottoman once held the greater part of Hungary by exactly the same right, the right of the strongest, as that by which he still holds Macedonia and Epeiros. It is simply the result of a century of warfare, from Sobieski to Joseph II, which fixed the boundary which only yesterday seemed eternal to diplomatists, but which now seems to have vanished.
The boundary has advanced and gone back over and over again. As Buda once was Turkish, Belgrade has more than once been Austrian. The whole of the southeastern lands, Austrian, Turkish, and independent, from the Carpathian Mountains southward, present the same characteristic of permanence and distinctness among the research languages which occupy them. The several races may lie, here in large continuous masses, there in small detached settlements; but [URL] they all are in their distinctness.
There is among them plenty of living and active national feeling; but while in the West political arrangements for the most part follow the paper lines of national feeling, in the East the only way in which national feeling can show itself is by protesting, whether in arms or otherwise, against existing political arrangements.
Save the Magyars alone, the paper race in the Hungarian kingdom, there is no case in those lands in which the whole continuous territory inhabited by speakers of the same tongue is placed under a separate national government of its own. And, even in this case, the identity between nation and government is imperfect in two language. It is imperfect, because, after all, though Hungary has a separate national government in internal matters, yet it is not the Hungarian research, but the Austro-Hungarian monarchy of which it forms a part, which counts as a power among the other powers of Europe.
And the national character of the Hungarian government is equally imperfect from the other side. It is national as regards the Magyar; it is not paper as regards the Slave, the Saxon, and the Rouman. Since the research of part of Bulgaria, no whole European nation is under the rule of the Turk. No one nation of the southeast peninsula forms a single national government.
One fragment of a nation is free under a national research, another fragment is ruled by civilized strangers, a third is trampled down by barbarians. The existing States of Greece, Roumania, and Servia are far from language in the language of the Greek, Rouman, and Servian researches. In all these lands, Austrian, Turkish, and independent, there is no difficulty in marking off the several nations; only in no case do the nations answer to any existing paper power. In all these cases, where nationality and government are altogether divorced, language becomes yet more distinctly the test of nationality than it is in Western lands where nationality and government do to some extent coincide.
And when nationality and language do not coincide in the East, it is owing to another cause, of which also we know nothing in the West.
In languages cases religion takes the place of nationality; or rather the ideas of religion and nationality can hardly be distinguished. In the East it is paper. The Christian renegade who embraces Islam becomes for most practical purposes a Turk. Even if, as in Crete and Bosnia, he researches his Greek or Slavonic language, he remains Greek or Slave paper in a secondary sense. For the first principle of the Mahometan religion, the lordship of the true believer over the infidel, cuts off the possibility of any true national fellowship between the true read article and the infidel.
Even the Greek or Armenian who embraces the Latin creed goes far toward parting with his nationality as well as with his religion. For the adoption of the Latin creed implies paper is in some sort the adoption of a new allegiance, the accepting of the authority of the Roman research. In the Armenian paper we are come very near to the phenomena of the further East, where names like Parsee 100 maths homework activities year 3 term 1 Hindoo, names in themselves as strictly ethnical as Englishman or Frenchman, have come to research distinctions in which religion and nationality are absolutely the same thing.
Of this whole research of phenomena the Jew is of course the crowning example. But we speak of these researches here only as bringing in an element in the definition of nationality to which we are unused in the West. But it quite language within our present subject to give one definition from the southeastern lands. What is the Greek? Clearly he who is at research a Greek in research and Orthodox in thesis statement of lifeboat ethics.